Sunday, January 22, 2012

Obama's State of the Union: Jobs, re-election time (AP)

WASHINGTON ? Vilified by the Republicans who want his job, President Barack Obama will stand before the nation Tuesday night determined to frame the election-year debate on his terms, using his State of the Union address to outline a lasting economic recovery that will "work for everyone, not just a wealthy few."

As his most powerful chance to make a case for a second term, the prime-time speech carries enormous political stakes for the Democratic incumbent who presides over a country divided about his performance and pessimistic about the nation's direction. He will try to offer a stark contrast with his opponents by offering a vision of fairness and opportunity for everyone.

In a preview Saturday, Obama said in a video to supporters that the speech will be an economic blueprint built around manufacturing, energy, education and American values.

He is expected to announce ideas to make college more affordable and to address the housing crisis still hampering the economy three years into his term, people familiar with the speech said. Obama will also propose fresh ideas to ensure that the wealthy pay more in taxes, reiterating what he considers a matter of basic fairness, the officials said.

His policy proposals will be less important than what Obama hopes they all add up to: a narrative of renewed American security with him at the center, leading the fight.

"We can go in two directions," Obama said in the campaign video. "One is toward less opportunity and less fairness. Or we can fight for where I think we need to go: building an economy that works for everyone, not just a wealthy few."

That line of argument is intended to tap directly into concerns of voters who think America has become a nation of income inequality, with rules rigged to help the rich. The degree to which Obama or his eventual Republican opponent can better connect with millions of hurting Americans is expected to determine November's presidential election.

Obama released his video hours ahead of the South Carolina primary, where Republican candidates fought in the latest fierce contest to become his general election rival.

The White House knows Obama is about to get his own stage to outline a re-election vision, but carefully. The speech is supposed to an American moment, not a campaign event.

Obama didn't mention national security or foreign policy in his preview, and he is not expected to break ground on either one in his speech.

He will focus on the economy and is expected to promote unfinished parts of his jobs plan, including the extension of a payroll tax cut that is soon to expire.

Whatever Obama proposes is likely to face long odds in a deeply divided Congress.

More people than not disapprove of Obama's handling of the economy, and he is showing real vulnerability among the independent voters who could swing the election. Yet he will step into the moment just as the economy is showing life. The unemployment rate is still at a troubling 8.5 percent, but at its lowest rate in nearly three years. Consumer confidence is up.

By giving a sneak peek to millions of supporters on his email list, Obama played to his Democratic base and sought to generate an even larger audience for Tuesday's address. He is unlikely to getter a bigger stage all year.

More people watched last year's State of the Union than tuned in to see Obama accept the Democratic presidential nomination in Denver in 2008.

The foundation of Obama's speech is the one he gave in Kansas last month, when he declared that the middle class was at a make-or-break moment and he railed against "you're on your own" economics of the Republican Party. His theme then was about a government that ensures people get a fair shot to succeed.

The State of the Union will be the details to back that up.

But even so, the speech will still be a framework ? part governing, part inspiration.

The details will be rolled out in full over the next several weeks, as part of Obama's next budget proposal and during his travels, which will allow him more media coverage.

On national security, Obama will ask the nation to reflect with him on a momentous year of change, including the end of the war in Iraq, the killing of al-Qaida terrorist leader Osama bin Laden and the Arab Spring protests, with people clamoring for freedom. He is expected to note the troubles posed by Iran and Syria without offering new positions about them.

Despite low expectations for legislation this year, Obama will offer short-term ideas that would require action from Congress. For now, the main looming to-do item is an extension of a payroll tax cut and unemployment benefits, both due to expire by March.

His travel schedule following his speech, to politically important regions, offers clues to the policies he was expected to unveil.

Both Phoenix and Las Vegas have been hard hit by foreclosures. Denver is where Obama outlined ways of helping college students deal with school loan debt. Cedar Rapids, Iowa, and Detroit are home to a number of manufacturers. And Michigan was a major beneficiary of the president's decision to intervene to rescue the American auto industry.

Republican leaders in Congress say Obama has made the chances of cooperation even dimmer just over the last several days. He enraged Republicans by installing a consumer watchdog chief by going around the Senate, which had blocked him, and then rejected a major oil pipeline project the GOP has embraced.

Obama is likely, once again, to offer ways in which a broken Washington must work together. Yet that theme seems but a dream given the gridlock he has been unable to change.

The address remains an old-fashioned moment of national attention; 43 million people watched it on TV last year. The White House website will offer a live stream of the speech, promising extra wrinkles for people who watch it there, and then invite people to send in questions to administration officials through social media such as Twitter and Facebook.

Obama's campaign is also organizing and promoting parties around the nation for people to watch the speech.

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AP deputy director of polling Jennifer Agiesta and Associated Press writer Ken Thomas contributed to this report.

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Online:

White House: http://www.whitehouse.gov

___

Follow Ben Feller at http://twitter.com/BenFellerDC

Source: http://us.rd.yahoo.com/dailynews/rss/obama/*http%3A//news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20120121/ap_on_bi_ge/us_obama_state_of_the_union

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Friday, January 20, 2012

NFL's future on display

Teams' tight ends impossible to defend due to their size, speed and versatility

Image: DavisGetty Images

49ers tight end Vernon Davis breaks a tackle by Saints defender Malcolm Jenkins.

ANALYSIS

updated 10:25 p.m. ET Jan. 17, 2012

Mike Tanier

Twenty-five years ago, tight ends were going extinct.

The run-?n?-shoot offense provided roster space for eight wide receivers and zero tight ends. The West Coast Offense offered a niche as a king-sized possession receiver, but as specialization and substitution increased, the tight end became a threatened species, if not an endangered one.

Gradually, tight ends evolved into the modern Tony Gonzalez-Jason Witten breed: beefed up slot receivers for whom blocking is a nights-and-weekends job. These latter-day of tight ends are often the best overall athletes on the field, but that makes sense -- when a species is pressured, only the fittest survive.

Tight ends are still evolving. Given how athletically gifted they are, it?s not surprising that the 49ers and Patriots are finding new roles for players like Vernon Davis, Delanie Walker, Aaron Hernandez, and Rob Gronkowski.

Just when you think the Patriots tight ends are old news, they turn into running backs. Just when you think you have Davis figured out (Greek statue come to life, though sometimes with the hands to match), he proves that he is as dangerous a deep threat as any of the wide receivers left in the playoffs.

If these guys represent the next stage -- Version 4.0 -- in the metamorphosis of the tight end, we should get a better handle on what they are doing. The Super Bowl could hinge on something as unlikely as the tight end around, a play a fan could go a decade without seeing before this season.

The running threat
Just how unusual is it for a tight end to take a handoff? The top five active reception leaders among tight ends ? Tony Gonzalez, Jason Witten, Antonio Gates, Jeremy Shockey, and Todd Heap -- have combined for 3,473 receptions but just 11 running plays. So rushing accounts for about 0.3 percent of a tight end?s production, though even that number is skewed by broken plays, fake punts, and other odds and ends that count as ?runs? in the official stats.

Greats like Witten, Gates, and Kellen Winslow the First went their whole careers without a carry.

It wasn?t always that way. The ?tight end around? was a playbook standard through the 1960s, and as recently as the late 1970s, a great tight end like Ozzie Newsome might take a few handoffs per season as a fullback or on a reverse. Tight end handoffs disappeared by the early 1980s, but the Patriots and Niners are at the forefront of a revolution in tight end running.

Jim Harbaugh is determined to revive the tight end around, no matter the costs. Davis and Walker combined for five carries this season, all of them outside runs. Some of those runs came at unusual times, like in the red zone and third-and-long. Most, however, were unsuccessful. Walker gained 14 yards on one end-around, but the other four plays lost yardage. Still, Harbaugh was calling Walker?s number as late as Week 14, and the man that gave us the Alex Smith shotgun sweep for a touchdown against the Saints will do anything to diversify his running game.

The Patriots don?t run many tight-end arounds. Instead, Hernandez lines up in the backfield and takes old-fashioned handoffs. Hernandez rushed six times for 45 yards in the regular season and added five rushes for 61 yards on Saturday against the Broncos. Gronkowski is also credited with a two-yard touchdown rush, but that was more of a short screen pass that happened to be travel backward in the air.

There is nothing new about lining tight ends up in the backfield on passing downs, but they are usually there for pass protection, not as rushing threats. For the Patriots, Hernandez?s rushing is just one more advantage for their no-huddle offense; even if the running backs are split wide or on the sideline, defenders cannot ignore the possibility of a handoff.

But really, no team needs an extra reason to get the ball into the hands of athletes like Davis, Walker, Hernandez and Gronkowski. They are almost as fast as wide receivers and bigger and stronger than most running backs. Tall ball carriers are at a disadvantage when running between the tackles because they expose the football (and the ribs) when plunging into the line. That is less of a problem on the edge, and when a 250-pounder like Hernandez reaches the sideline ? where only 190-pound cornerbacks are available to tackle him ? good things can happen for an offense.

The deep threat
Tight ends have always run deep routes; the ?seamer? is an important part of every playbook. The next-gen tight ends are going a step further. Instead of settling for a role as occasional deep threats, they are on their way to becoming their teams? primary deep threats.

Table 1 shows just how often the Patriots and Niners tight ends were targeted for deep passes (more than 15 yards downfield in the air).

PlayerAttCompYardsTDsAvg Yards in Air
Hernandez/Gronkowski3921501822.5
Davis/Walker2815374325.3
Pettigrew/Scheffler2415341320.1

Gronkowski and Hernandez are targeted about three times per game on deep passes. Davis and Welker are targeted less frequently, but the Niners do not pass nearly as often as the Patriots. As a percentage, their role in the long passing game is similar to the one Gronkowski and Hernandez play, and their ?long passes? are actually longer than the Patriots? bombs.

For comparison?s sake, I added Brandon Pettigrew and Tony Scheffler, another tight end tandem that plays a major role in the deep passing game. The Lions? duo is targeted nearly as often as the Davis and Walker, but again, the Lions pass much more often than the Niners do. Davis and Walker combined for 39.4 percent of the Niners' deep passing attempts. Scheffler and Pettigrew accounted for just 20 percent of the Lions' deep passing. Hernandez and Gronkowski account for 38 percent of the Patriots' deep passing.

Pettigrew and Scheffler are fine players, but they are Version 3.0 tight ends. Version 4.0 models are full partners in all facets of the passing attack.

The next step
The most interesting thing about the Patriots and Niners tight end tandems is that they are tandems: both teams make extensive use of two tight-end attacks. The Lions and Panthers are also committed to the two tight end package as one of their base offensive sets.

Sure, these tight ends motion into the slot, split wide, or line up at fullback. But they are recognizable as tight ends. If you told a coach from 1990 (when even the Redskins had given up their two tight-end formation for the three-receiver ?posse?) that some of the most successful, explosive offenses in the league would be built around tight end passing, he would have sent four 5-foot-9 Smurf receivers to chase you and hit you as hard as they could (not very).

The old, lumbering tight end is not quite extinct, as the Giants' Jake Ballard will prove on Sunday. But defenses must brace for a new breed of player that can not only work the slot and seam like Gonzo and Witten, but take handoffs, run the full route tree, and stay on the field on every situation. And block. Players like Walker have not forgotten that part of their job description.

So if you are watching a Saints game three years from now and see Jimmy Graham as a Wildcat quarterback, or if Jermichael Finley starts lining up in the I-formation for the Packers next year, remember how it all started.

It?s nothing to be afraid of. It?s evolution, baby.

Mike Tanier writes for NBCSports.com and Rotoworld.com and is a senior writer forFootball Outsiders.


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NFL's future on display

??Tanier: Tight ends such as Vernon Davis and Rob Gronkowski?impossible to defend due to amazing mix of?size, speed and versatility.

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Source: http://nbcsports.msnbc.com/id/46027185/ns/sports-nfl/

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Thursday, January 19, 2012

HBT: Wrapping up all the arbitration settlements

Rick Peterson AP

As expected, the Orioles hired former A?s, Mets, and Brewers pitching coach Rick Peterson, but he?ll fill the role of pitching development coordinator rather than pitching coach. Brittany Ghiroli of MLB.com says that?s actually a new position created by the Orioles, who?ll keep Rick Adair as their pitching coach and have Peterson work primarily with?

Source: http://hardballtalk.nbcsports.com/

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Citi misses forecasts; 4Q profit down 11 percent

In this Jan. 6, 2012 photo, a Citibank customer makes a transaction at an ATM, in New York. Citigroup said Tuesday, Jan. 17, 2012, its income fell 11 percent in the fourth quarter of 2011due to lower investment banking income, an accounting charge, and a decline in the value of its assets. (AP Photo/Mark Lennihan)

In this Jan. 6, 2012 photo, a Citibank customer makes a transaction at an ATM, in New York. Citigroup said Tuesday, Jan. 17, 2012, its income fell 11 percent in the fourth quarter of 2011due to lower investment banking income, an accounting charge, and a decline in the value of its assets. (AP Photo/Mark Lennihan)

(AP) ? Choppy financial markets hurt Citigroup's investment banking profits, and the bank missed Wall Street expectations. The bank said Tuesday that profit fell 11 percent in the last three months of last year.

Besides making less money on investment banking, the bank lost money because of a quirky accounting rule related to the value of its corporate bonds.

Citi made $1.16 billion, or 38 cents per share, on revenue of $17.2 billion. The results fell short of the 54 cents per share estimated by analysts surveyed by FactSet, a provider of financial data.

A year earlier, in the fourth quarter of 2010, Citigroup made $1.3 billion on revenue of $18.4 billion.

Citigroup's broad international profile helped its results. Its business and consumer loans grew 14 percent to $465 billion, with most of the growth coming from Latin America and Asia.

As Americans pay down debt, the bank's credit card portfolio is improving. The number of Citi customers late with payments by 90 days or more fell 30 percent from the same period a year earlier.

Its losses from loans fell 40 percent, a bigger decline than the bank had anticipated. That allowed Citi to take a profit of $1.5 billion from the reserves the bank had kept aside for such losses.

But the volatile stock and bond markets in the fourth quarter led to a decline of 45 percent in Citi's investment banking revenue, to $638 million. The bank made less money on debt and equity underwriting and fees from advising on mergers and acquisitions.

Citi, one of the worst-hit banks during the financial crisis, has been reducing the toxic loans in its portfolio ? a condition of its $45 billion federal bailout. Those assets declined 25 percent in the fourth quarter, reducing overall revenue.

The bank also took a loss of $40 million because of an accounting rule that applies to the value of the corporate debt that the bank sells to investors. The value of that debt rose in the fourth quarter, but the bank had to take a loss because it would have had to pay more to buy it back on the open market.

For all of 2011, Citigroup's income was $11.3 billion on revenues of $78.4 billion, compared to net income of $10.6 billion on revenues of $86.6 billion for the full year 2010.

This marks the bank's second straight full year of profits. Citi's results were badly hurt during the financial crisis, posting close to $40 billion in losses from 2008 and 2009 combined.

Citi's stock was down 3 percent at $29.77 in pre-market trading.

Associated Press

Source: http://hosted2.ap.org/APDEFAULT/f70471f764144b2fab526d39972d37b3/Article_2012-01-17-Earns-Citigroup/id-6a45580104ec43d3b7b8333be7663eae

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Should We Temper Presidential Debate Audiences? (ContributorNetwork)

COMMENTARY | Todd Graham of CNN opines that loud hecklers at the GOP debate in South Carolina on Monday night effectively hindered the flow of what should have been an informative exercise of democracy and campaigning.

Tyranny of the loud is not a recent phenomenon: The outspoken have had an oversized share of public discourse since the dawn of mankind, when the biggest and loudest Cro-Magnon could force others to run and hide. These days the tyranny of the loud is often parodied in comedy, showing a loudmouth being accommodated by civilized people who are too cultured to throw out ultimatums (or fists). A Dilbert comic strip once showed a character receiving a job, then an immediate promotion simply because he was loud and the boss wanted to placate the volume.

We accommodate and placate the loud because we are often socialized to do so. But when it comes to democracy and justice, where equality should be paramount, is it fair to let the loud and aggressive have a bigger share of our political leaders' attentions? No, it is not.

The traditional concept of one person, one vote should be extended to one's representation at a debate or other political activity in a public setting. Obnoxious behavior, as if a presidential debate were a football game or mixed-martial arts match, should be considered voter intimidation.

Just because it's not a day at the ballot box does not mean it is acceptable to intimidate through volume and display. People will feel disenfranchised if they cannot attend a political debate in person without being worried about being shouted down.

Freedom of speech is one thing, but what says the Constitution about freedom of volume?

As a relatively quiet person, I know I am biased. I cannot stand people who are loud simply for the sake of being loud. I've often felt they get some misguided sense of power out of being able to make others cringe or stay away. They seem to exude an obnoxious and odious challenge: You want me to quiet down? Well, what are you gonna do about it?

They know most people will not challenge their misbehavior -- we are socialized to want to de-escalate situations. But now that an area of intellectual of discourse seems to be falling prey to the loud and profane, will we "properly" socialized people stand up for ourselves?

Source: http://us.rd.yahoo.com/dailynews/rss/politicsopinion/*http%3A//news.yahoo.com/s/ac/20120117/cm_ac/10845367_should_we_temper_presidential_debate_audiences

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